— In 2015, at a conference at the Paris Institute of Political Studies, you said that Ukrainians are a people striving to become a better version of themselves. While that may not be the exact quote, it certainly captured the essence of what you meant. Do you still feel the same way about Ukrainians today?

— I remember that event at the Institute of Political Studies very well. At the time, I spoke primarily about the falsification of memory being carried out by the Russians—about how they manipulate history, how they, for instance, completely lay claim to the victory over the Nazis in 1945 as though it belonged to them alone. As for the quote you mention, I don’t recall it precisely, but I imagine what I meant was this: there are nations that are diminished by hardship, and there are others who grow stronger because of it. The Ukrainian people, in my view, belong to the latter. That’s what I believed already back in 2015. And today, I’m even more convinced of it. Ukraine has become a model of resistance and of courage.

— You had the chance to visit the front line and see firsthand how the Anna of Kyiv Brigade—formed with support from France—is performing. What are your impressions and takeaways from that experience?

— My main takeaway is this: once again, we’ve all been misled by disinformation. It’s undeniable that there were challenges at the beginning. The biggest issue was that we were in the midst of a Russian offensive, and we had to spread our forces across multiple fronts. But then an experienced commander, Taras Maksymov, took charge. He brought stability, got the brigade back on track, and is making excellent use of his ten Caesar howitzers. The fighting is still fierce, but the morale remains high. The Anna of Kyiv Brigade is operating in one of the most difficult areas of the frontline—the Pokrovsk direction. They’re fighting with remarkable professionalism, composure, and courage. Both France and Ukraine have every reason to take pride in this brigade.

— You also had the opportunity to visit Sumy, which you later referred to as the capital of “pain and resistance.” Would you still use the same words to describe the morale of the Ukrainian soldiers fighting along that section of the front line?

— Yes. The phrase “pain and resistance” truly captures the situation. But among the soldiers, resistance overwhelmingly outweighs the pain. Just like in Pokrovsk, they are holding the line and defending the city of Sumy, which, thanks to their efforts, continues to function almost as if life were normal. And they’re doing all of this under relentless bombardment, with skies on clear days darkened by drones, all while enduring incredibly harsh conditions.

— General Syrskyi awarded you the “For Assistance to the Military” medal. How did you feel about receiving such an honour?

— Generally speaking, I’m not someone who seeks out honours or awards. But this particular medal, which I received from the commander of Europe’s finest and bravest army, moved me in ways I never expected. It was a complete surprise. The meeting was arranged by my friends Serhiy Osypenko and Bohdan Hervasiuk—my steadfast companions throughout all my filming in Ukraine. I had thought I was simply going to interview General Syrskyi, whom I’ve deeply respected since we first met. And then, out of the blue, came this gesture! I’ve received literary prizes, honorary doctorates, and academic accolades—but a medal recognising the contribution I’ve made, however small, to Ukraine’s resistance through my films—that is truly the greatest honour I could have been given.

— Why was the world caught off guard by both Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and the rapprochement between Russia and the U.S. with Trump’s return to power? Did political scientists specialising in these two countries miss something?

— For my part, I had long warned about the immense risk Trump’s return posed to Ukraine. Still, I have to admit that what’s unfolded has been hard to imagine. The world’s largest democracy, the very guarantor of the international order established after World War II, aligning itself with Putin—a man who is resurrecting Nazism and working to dismantle the liberal international order… This is no ordinary turn of events. It’s certainly not something one could predict. It’s a true about-face, a capital-E Event. A seismic shift in historical epochs. And, honestly, it was incredibly difficult to foresee.

— In your view, can Ukraine win this war—and under what conditions?

— Yes, I believe it can. I know what the situation on the front lines looks like, and my stance hasn’t changed. Victory is still within reach. But two conditions need to be met. First, Europe must ramp up its military aid and agree to reinforce the forces Ukraine is building on its own. Second, the United States—regardless of whether it withdraws from ceasefire negotiations—must continue sharing intelligence. That’s entirely realistic. I can imagine Trump saying, “I did everything I could, I tried to broker a deal, but it’s impossible. So I’m stepping aside, but I won’t stand in the way if Congress continues to approve military aid packages.”

— Does NATO have a future if the United States withdraws from the alliance?

— It wouldn’t be NATO anymore. It would become something entirely different, with new leadership and new sources of funding. A fresh treaty would have to be drawn up. Without that, the plan Vice President J. D. Vance outlined in Munich could come to fruition: Europe would stop resisting. It would start electing leaders—figures like Orbán or Meloni—who are willing to support Putin, Trump, or perhaps both. And then, Europe would fall into line.

— Is Europe capable of defending itself militarily if Russia were to launch renewed aggression—say, against the Baltic states? The President of Estonia has suggested such a scenario.

— I don’t know. I hope so. The problem is that not everyone is capable of being Churchill, and heroism doesn’t always spread. There is someone in Europe who resembles Churchill—President Zelensky. But has Zelensky truly become the figure we should all look up to? Are there many such exceptional leaders on the old continent? Frankly, I’m not sure. Events will determine everything. Heroes either emerge or they don’t, depending on what history calls for. We’ll have to wait and see.

— Should Russian assets held in foreign banks be confiscated?

— Yes, I believe they should. First and foremost, it would be the right thing to do. And secondly, it would serve as an effective way to support the war effort that Russian imperialism has forced upon us.

— Why is the West so afraid of Russia’s collapse?

— Because Putin has instilled fear in us. He sold us the myth that if Russia begins to fall apart, it will disintegrate entirely—and that this collapse would bring about unparalleled global chaos. Added to this is the looming threat of Russia’s nuclear arsenal, inherited from the Soviet Union, which, by the way, was originally shared by all the republics within the USSR—Ukraine included, not just Russia. But the reality is, the chaos is already here. Nuclear blackmail has already reached its peak. It’s hard to see how the collapse of the Russian Federation could make things worse. Zelensky has been trying to explain this to his partners and allies. Some—like Macron—are listening. But what about the others?

— What does President Macron mean when he says “Russia must not win this war”?

— He’s saying that a Russian victory would be a devastating blow—not just for Ukraine, but for the entire free world, and Europe especially. As the French intellectual Nicolas Tenzer argues in his latest book, this war is, in a very real sense, our war.

— What does a Russian defeat look like to you?

— I know not many people will share my view, but I don’t believe a political solution to this war is possible. I simply can’t see what kind of a “deal” Ukraine and Europe could agree to. So, that leaves only one option: Russia’s military exhaustion—its inability to keep fighting without, for instance, relying on North Korean mercenaries. In other words, it would mean capitulation—and, as is often the case, regime change. We were almost there three years ago, when Wagner’s leader, Prigozhin, was marching on Moscow. So, let’s be patient. History has a way of surprising us; its imagination far exceeds that of human predictions.